"India's Strategic Autonomy Tested Between China Dependency and US Unreliability"
Strategic Autonomy
India's foreign policy principle of preserving freedom of action, avoiding binding alignment with any single power.
Weaponised Interdependence
deliberate exploitation of economic linkages (trade, supply chains) as instruments of geopolitical coercion.
India's foreign policy has historically been anchored in the doctrine of strategic autonomy — the principle that India must preserve its freedom of action in international affairs, avoiding binding alignment with any single power bloc. Rooted in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) of the Cold War era, this doctrine has evolved considerably in the post-1991 period as India deepened economic and security ties with the United States while simultaneously maintaining functional, if often tense, relations with China. The 2020 Galwan Valley clash, which resulted in Indian and Chinese military fatalities for the first time in decades, marked a decisive rupture in the post-1988 framework of 'peace and tranquility' along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), prompting India to restrict Chinese FDI, ban hundreds of Chinese apps, and align more visibly with the US-led Quad framework.
The economic dimension of India-China relations has always been asymmetric. India runs a structural trade deficit with China — consistently among the largest bilateral deficits India records — driven by dependence on Chinese imports of electronics, active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs), solar panels, and industrial machinery. Despite the post-Galwan political chill, this trade relationship has deepened rather than contracted, reflecting the difficulty of decoupling from deeply embedded supply chains. Meanwhile, India's relationship with the United States has been characterised by strategic convergence on security matters but persistent friction on trade, technology transfer, and immigration policy.
The central tension in India's current strategic calculus involves two simultaneous risks: strategic entrapment by the United States and economic subordination to China. The argument for recalibrating India's China policy rests on the observation that India's post-Galwan posture — restricting Chinese investment, aligning with US technology-decoupling efforts, and hardening its LAC stance — was partly shaped by Washington's strategic preferences rather than purely by India's own cost-benefit analysis. Critics of this posture point out that India remains structurally dependent on Chinese supply chains for critical inputs in pharmaceuticals, electronics, and renewable energy, meaning that a confrontational stance imposes asymmetric costs on India without proportionate strategic gains.
The case for recalibration is further strengthened by the transactional character of US foreign policy, which has historically involved tactical pivots that leave partners exposed. …
'Belt and Road Initiative' is sometimes mentioned in the news in the context of the affairs of
With reference to India's foreign direct investment (FDI) policy, consider the following statements:
1.Press Note 3 (2020) requires prior government approval for FDI from countries sharing a land border with India.
2.This policy applies equally to all sectors, including defence and non-defence.
3.The policy was introduced primarily in response to the 2020 Galwan Valley clash.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
The concept of 'weaponised interdependence' in international relations refers to:
Consider the following pairs — Country/Grouping : India's strategic concern:
1.China : Structural trade deficit and LAC boundary dispute
2.United States : Withdrawal of GSP benefits and H-1B visa restrictions
3.Pakistan : Nuclear proliferation and cross-border terrorism
4.Russia : Dependence on defence equipment and CAATSA sanctions risk
How many of the above pairs are correctly matched?
Which of the following best describes India's 'multi-alignment' foreign policy approach?
Assertion (A): India's post-2020 restrictions on Chinese FDI have not significantly reduced India's structural trade deficit with China.
Reason (R): Trade flows in goods are driven by supply chain integration and price competitiveness, which are not directly altered by FDI approval requirements.
Which of the following is correct?
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