"India's strategic outlook shifts from geography to geometry of interests"
Strategic Autonomy
India's doctrine of preserving independent foreign policy choices, avoiding binding alliances with any single power.
Geometry of Interests
the idea that strategic proximity is determined by shared functional interests (energy, trade, technology) rather than physical geography alone.
India's foreign and security policy in the decades immediately following Independence was shaped overwhelmingly by its physical geography. The Himalayan frontier, the Line of Control (LoC) with Pakistan, and the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China formed the primary axes of strategic concern. The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) was viewed largely as a defensive perimeter rather than a domain of active power projection. This geography-first paradigm was reinforced by the Cold War's bipolar structure, which constrained India's room for manoeuvre and pushed it toward the doctrine of Non-Alignment — a principled refusal to join either superpower bloc while preserving sovereign decision-making.
As the Cold War ended and India's economy began liberalising in the early 1990s, the strategic calculus began to shift. The Look East Policy, later upgraded to the Act East Policy, signalled a reorientation toward Southeast Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific. Simultaneously, India's growing energy dependence on the Gulf, its large diaspora in West Asia, and its expanding trade footprint across continents began to stretch the definition of India's 'neighbourhood' well beyond South Asia. The SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) doctrine and India's increasing participation in multilateral frameworks — Quad, SCO, BIMSTEC, I2U2 — reflect this gradual but decisive expansion of strategic horizons.
The article's central argument is that India's strategic outlook is undergoing a paradigm shift — from a geography-defined framework to what it terms a geometry of interests. Traditional geopolitics privileged physical proximity: borders, mountains, and rivers determined threat perceptions and alliance choices. Contemporary geopolitics, by contrast, is shaped by connectivity, supply chains, digital infrastructure, maritime reach, and the ability to shape outcomes in distant but economically vital regions.
For India, this means that energy security begins not at its own borders but in the Strait of Hormuz, through which approximately 20–21% of globally traded petroleum liquids transit daily. Critical minerals for the green and digital economy originate in Africa and Latin America. Sea lanes from the Strait of Hormuz to the Strait of Malacca are the arteries of India's economic growth. Cyber networks and space capabilities have further compressed geography, making distant actors strategically proximate. …
The Indian Ocean Region has assumed great strategic importance. Critically examine India's role in the Indian Ocean Region.
India's foreign policy has undergone a paradigm shift in terms of India's relationship with the world. Discuss.
Critically examine the role of the Quad grouping in the context of India's Indo-Pacific strategy.
Consider the following statements regarding India's SAGAR doctrine:
1.SAGAR stands for 'Security and Growth for All in the Region'.
2.It was announced in 2015 and articulates India's vision for the Indian Ocean Region.
3.Under SAGAR, India explicitly commits to a mutual defence treaty with all Indian Ocean island states.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
Consider the following pairs of multilateral groupings and their primary functional focus as relevant to India's foreign policy:
1.Quad — Maritime security and technology cooperation in the Indo-Pacific
2.I2U2 — Food security, clean energy, and infrastructure (India, Israel, UAE, USA)
3.SCO — Continental security, counter-terrorism, and connectivity in Eurasia
4.BIMSTEC — Bay of Bengal regional cooperation
How many of the above pairs are correctly matched?
With reference to the Strait of Hormuz and India's energy security, consider the following statements:
1.Approximately 20–21% of globally traded petroleum liquids transit the Strait of Hormuz daily.
2.Under UNCLOS Articles 37–44, the right of transit passage through international straits can be suspended by the bordering state in times of national emergency.
3.India's Chabahar Port project in Iran is partly intended to provide an alternative Gulf connectivity route.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
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