"Gen Z holds only 26 legislative seats despite 26% population share"
Representation of the People Act, 1951
Central law governing elections to Parliament and state legislatures, including candidate eligibility ages.
Demographic dividend
Economic growth potential from a large working-age population relative to dependents; not automatic without enabling conditions.
India's constitutional democracy rests on the principle of representative government — that elected legislatures should, at least broadly, reflect the composition of the society they govern. Article 81 of the Constitution fixes the composition of the Lok Sabha, while Article 170 governs State Legislative Assemblies. The Representation of the People Act, 1951 sets the minimum age for contesting Lok Sabha and Assembly elections at 25 years, and for the Rajya Sabha and Legislative Councils at 30 years. These thresholds were inherited from colonial-era conventions and have never been revised, even as India's median age has fallen and its youth population has grown substantially.
Gen Z — defined as those born between 1997 and 2012 — constitutes approximately 36.74 crore people, or 25.8% of India's estimated 142.6 crore population. The cohort aged 25 and above within this group (i.e., those legally eligible to contest elections) accounts for roughly 8.9% of the total population. This is not a marginal demographic: it is the single largest generational cohort entering civic and economic life simultaneously. Yet the institutional pathways through which this generation could shape policy — Parliament and state legislatures — remain almost entirely closed to it in practice.
The broader context matters here. India's demographic dividend argument has long assumed that a large, young population will translate into economic and political dynamism. The employment data from the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) 2023-24 complicates this — Gen Z unemployment stands at 11.9% overall, rising to 22.6% for urban young women, and graduate-level unemployment reaching 36.9% for young women. A generation that is simultaneously economically marginalised and politically underrepresented faces a compounded democratic deficit.
Representation in a democracy operates through two distinct channels: electoral participation (voting) and legislative presence (holding office). India's Gen Z is increasingly visible in the first — as voters, as street protesters, and as digital-public-sphere participants. It is almost entirely absent from the second. As of the current Lok Sabha (elected in 2024), only 6 out of 543 MPs belong to Gen Z, and across all state assemblies, only 20 out of 4,131 MLAs do. Together, 26 legislators represent a generation of 36.74 crore.
The structural barriers are multiple. First, the minimum age threshold of 25 already excludes the majority of Gen Z (those aged 14–24), leaving only the older slice of the cohort eligible. Second, and more consequentially, electoral politics in India is resource-intensive: contesting a Lok Sabha seat requires financial capital, organisational networks, and name recognition that typically accrue over decades. This structurally advantages candidates from established political families. …
The fundamental object of Panchayati Raj system is to ensure which among the following?
1.People's participation in development
2.Political accountability
3.Democratic decentralization
4.Financial mobilization
Select the correct answer using the code given below.
Consider the following statements regarding eligibility to contest elections in India:
1.The minimum age to contest elections to the Lok Sabha is 25 years.
2.The minimum age to contest elections to the Rajya Sabha is 25 years.
3.The minimum age to contest elections to State Legislative Assemblies is 25 years.
4.These age thresholds are prescribed by the Representation of the People Act, 1951.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
Assertion (A): India's demographic dividend does not automatically translate into proportionate political representation for its youth population.
Reason (R): The minimum age threshold of 25 years for contesting Lok Sabha elections, combined with the high financial cost of electoral campaigns, structurally limits youth legislative entry.
Which of the following is correct?
Consider the following statements about Gen Z political representation in India based on the 2024 Lok Sabha elections and recent state assembly elections:
1.Gen Z candidates constituted less than 2% of all Lok Sabha candidates in 2024.
2.A majority of Gen Z Lok Sabha MPs come from established political families.
3.State legislative assemblies have a higher proportion of Gen Z political newcomers (without family political backgrounds) than the Lok Sabha.
4.All Gen Z Lok Sabha MPs elected in 2024 are male.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
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