"Xi-Modi Summit Fails to Reset India-China Economic Ties"
China+1 strategy
firms diversifying manufacturing bases beyond China to reduce over-dependence.
De-risking
reducing overdependence on a single country's supply chain without full decoupling.
China and India are major trading partners, but the relationship is heavily imbalanced. India depends on China for critical inputs such as electronics components, active pharmaceutical ingredients, capital goods and battery materials. This dependence became a strategic concern after the border standoff, pushing India toward a China+1 approach to diversify supply chains. China's own manufacturing dominance has deep roots in its 1978 reforms, which shifted the economy away from Maoist self-sufficiency toward openness to foreign technology, capital and trade. India's own opening came later, through the 1991 economic reforms that followed a balance-of-payments crisis. Liberalisation raised India's exports, attracted FDI inflows, and built up foreign exchange reserves, though agriculture's share of GDP kept declining rather than rising, reflecting a broader shift toward industry and services. These two reform paths, three decades apart, explain much of today's asymmetry between the two economies.
The recent visit by China's President to India, on the sidelines of the 18th BRICS Summit, was his first in nearly seven years and came alongside a separate eight-point consensus on the border question. Expectations were high that this diplomatic thaw would also unlock the stalled economic relationship, including revival of the Strategic Economic Dialogue and greater Chinese investment in Indian manufacturing. Those economic expectations remained largely unmet even as the border track showed real movement.
China's leverage over India's manufacturing ambitions increasingly works through technology chokepoints rather than tariffs. China's commerce ministry has expanded its export-control list to cover inputs for the new-energy sector, including lithium battery cathode-material technologies and high-density lithium batteries, restricting processes Indian firms need to scale electric-vehicle and battery production. Since June 30, 2026, China has also tightened export of "industrial mother machines" such as CNC lathes, milling and grinding equipment, tools that underpin precision manufacturing across sectors. A new instrument, the State Council's Order No. 784 ("Regulations on Outbound Investment"), took effect from July 1, 2026. …
Which of the following has/have occurred in India after its liberalization of economic policies in 1991?
1.Share of agriculture in GDP increased enormously.
2.Share of India's exports in world trade increased.
3.FDI inflows increased.
4.India's foreign exchange reserves increased enormously.
Select the correct answer using the codes given below:
"China is using its economic relations and positive trade surplus as tools to develop potential military power status in Asia." In the light of this statement, discuss its impact on India as her neighbour.
'The West is fostering India as an alternative to reduce dependence on China's supply chain and as a strategically to counter China's political and economic dominance.' Explain this statement with examples.
The 'Production-Linked Incentive (PLI) scheme' is best described as a policy instrument aimed at:
Consider the following statements regarding the impact of India's 1991 economic liberalisation:
1.The share of agriculture in India's GDP increased significantly.
2.India's foreign exchange reserves increased.
3.Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows increased.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
Consider the following statements regarding the NITI Aayog report "Key Industries for Making India a Global Manufacturing Hub":
1.It identified 12 priority sectors out of 62 manufacturing categories.
2.Its first volume focused on four high-potential areas.
Which of the statements given above is/are correct?
The term 'China+1' strategy, often used in the context of global manufacturing, refers to:
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